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Learn the Complete Story of the Kennedy Assassination Conspirators

By Jonathan | | Dec. 30, 2007

James E. Files, Stateville Correctional Center Joliet Illinois, 1986

Born January 24, 1942, Files resides at the Stateville Correctional Center at Joliet, Illinois under Department of Correction ID - N14006.

This article is an examination of the James E. Files confession and how it relates to Oswald's story, the assasination evidence, and the CIA/mafia connections.  It does not address the cover up of the assassination.  There are many factors in the assassination to understand as separate issues.  Of these factors are who ordered the hit, and who carried out the hit which are two different subjects all together.  These matters can be confused from time to time.  Research suggests that many factions worked together in organizing Kennedy's death but this article will detail the men on the grassy knoll.  There is a long list of suspects detailed in each of these roles provided in books, websites, videos and other media after years of dedicated research from thousands of antiquarians and detectives.  Their work lives in a web of coincidences and conveniences waiting to be discovered.  That mystery, for Kennedy assassination researchers, begins for this approach, with the famous confession of James E. Files, an unknown person to the public, but well known to organized crime investigators working for the FBI.

In 1989, Houston private investigator Joe West launched an independent investigation to find the true assassins of President John F. Kennedy.  After 3 years, West received a tip from an unexpected source: an FBI agent who led West to Stateville Correctional Center at Joliet Illinois.

James E. Files gave a full confession in 1993, and on March 22, 1994, Joe West's videotaped interviews with James E. Files were made available to researchers.  Joe West died in 1993 from unknown causes, a death some suggest is a story waiting to be told.  It was during these interviews that West captured James Files confessing to being one of the men on the grassy knoll in Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963, and that it was Files who delivered the final, fatal shot to JFK's right temple.  He also implicated organized crime members Charles Nicoletti, Johnny Roselli, Frank Sturgis and Sam Giancana, who all had been murdered in the 1970s except for Frank Sturgis who died in 1993 the same year as investigator Joe West.  Frank Sturgis was made famous as one of the watergate burglers and worked with another man, E. Howard Hunt, another confessed hitman who worked for the CIA and was also charged with the watergate burglaries.  E. Howard Hunt died this past year in 2007 and confessed to his role in the assasination of Kennedy as well.  James Files also stated that Daivd Atlee Phillips was his handler on the job.  Information about David Atlee Phillips is presented furhter down in this article.

Phillips and others have detailed subsequent involvement by Zapata Oil associates in the Watergate affair. George Bush, as Richard Nixon's ambassador to the United Nations, urged his former Zapata partner Bill Liedtke to launder $100,000 to the White House plumbers. After Nixon's 1972 re-election, he appointed Bush as Chairman of the Republican Party National Committee. When the laundering was exposed, those involved included several CIA officials: E. Howard Hunt, Frank Sturgis, Eugenio Martínez, Virgilio González, and Bernard Barker. A discussion of the laundering appears on the Nixon tapes for June 23, 1973.

The story Files gave has been found to be filled with a few historical inaccuracies, however, much of what he says has been cooberated and found to be true.  Much of it will be presented in this investigation.

For two years, attempts were made to bring the James E. Files interview to the public.  The television broadcasting company  that was trying to release the interview in a series in the 1990s failed to complete such a task and researchers claim that a consultant working for the company was solidly connected to the Central Intelligence Agency and was obstructing that goal.

Files has indicated that upon his alleged return from serving with the 82nd Airborne in Laos, he became a chauffeur and "hit man" for the Chicago mob.  Interestingly enough he has attracted the attention of another group including Sam Giancana's 68 year old "Mafia Princess" daughter, Antoinette.  Files' updated version of his involvement is detailed in a new book that came out in October of 2005. The book is entitled, JFK and Sam - The Connection Between the Giancana and Kennedy Assassinations. The book claims, "Written by an insider with access to key figures, it names the assassins and traces the assassination team's movements on November 22, 1963, the team leader's life, his taped confession, and his face-to-face meeting with Antoinette in the Joliet state prison where he is serving a life sentence for killing a policeman."

He claims by age 21 he was recruited by, and worked with, mobster Johnny Roselli in orchestrating the assassination. Using a Remington XP-100, known as the Fireball, Files claimed he fatally shot Kennedy in the head.  In the video, the supposed assassin manages to describe his pistol shot entering the side of Kennedy's head. "To me it was like taking out the garbage," he intoned in that interview.

Some of the individuals who cooberate James's story were and are the late "Certified Legal Investigator" Joe West and 82nd Airborne historian John Grady, as well as, retired FBI agent Zack Shelton, Houston attorney Don Ervin, E. Howard Hunt, Frank Sturgis, David Atlee Phillips, District Attorney of New Orleans Jim Garrison, and self professed journalist Jim Marrs.

Left: Former President George H.W. Bush Right: FBI Special Agent Zach Shelton

Zach Shelton, who retired from the FBI in 1998, was the source for the tip on James Files.  Shelton, who worked organized crime for 28 years, had an impeccable service record.  With the financial support of a Dutch businessman, Wim Dankbaar, Shelton proceeded with a new investigation to either prove or disprove Files' claims.  Shelton called upon and received the assistance of over 10 of his veteran FBI colleagues.  All of these men have had equally impressive careers with the Bureau.  Since Shelton worked in the organized crime unit at the FBI, he was in a position of extraordinary power to have access to thousands of classifed documents allowing him leads many Kennedy assasination researchers dream of obtaining.

James Files had previously known Oswald from being an arms handler who tranfered weapons from Chicago to Clinton, Louisiana for a CIA operation that armed anti-castro Cubans training for a war with Cuba.  The CIA and mafia were working very close together on this in the 50s and 60s and the CIA, in fact, hired the mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro in which the mafia later failed three attempts to do so.  Most of this information has been declassifed and a lot of it has come to light only recently.  The mafia had hotels and casinos in Havana, Cuba where they set up controllers in Florida to handle the flow of money.  The CIA operations in Louisiana and Florida, which were connected to the mafia, contained the conspirators in the assassination and James Files is one of the connections researchers were waiting for.  Further down in this article, information has been gathered to show all of this in further detail.

Here you can see part of the James E. Files confession below, or you can order the DVD from by clicking here.  

So what is the story with the other aspects of James Files' confession?  His story falls in line with research presented here on the Kennedy assassination.

Frank Sturgis

Born Frank Angelo Fiorini, Frank Sturgis served in Fidel Castro's revolutionary army as a soldier of fortune, and later trained Cuban exiles for the Bay of Pigs Invasion.  Frank Fiorini Sturgis' family moved to Philadelphia when he was a child. In 1942, Sturgis joined the U.S. Marine Corps and, during the Second World War, served in the Pacific.  As fate would have it, Sturgis had met Lee Harvey Oswald in Miami shortly before the assassination of John F. Kennedy.  Oswald had tried to infiltrate the Anti-Communist Brigade there. 

According to a memo sent by L. Patrick Gray, Director of the FBI, to H. R. Haldeman in 1972: "Sources in Miami say he (Sturgis) is now associated with organized crime activities". In his book, Assassination of JFK (1977), Bernard Fensterwald claims that Sturgis was heavily involved with the Mafia, particularly with Santo Trafficante and Meyer Lansky activities in Florida.

The Rockefeller Commission of the U.S. Congress in 1974 investigated Frank Sturgis and E. Howard Hunt in connection with the 1963 assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Specifically, it investigated allegations that E. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis were CIA agents and were present in Dallas at the time of the assassination and could have fired the alleged shots from the grassy knoll. 

E. Howard Hunt

E. Howard Hunt worked for the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and later the White House under President Richard Nixon. Hunt, with G. Gordon Liddy and others, was one of the White House's "plumbers" — a secret team of operatives charged with fixing "leaks." Information disclosures were an embarrassment to the Nixon administration when defense analyst Daniel Ellsberg sent a series of documents, which came to be known as the Pentagon Papers, to The New York Times.

Hunt, along with Liddy, engineered the first Watergate burglary. In the ensuing Watergate Scandal, Hunt was convicted of burglary, conspiracy, and wiretapping, eventually serving 33 months in prison. In 2007 his son released audio tape of Hunt naming President Lyndon B. Johnson and others as the orchestrators of the John F. Kennedy assassination.  Lyndon B. Johnson's mistress, Madeleine Duncan Brown, also exposed Johnson's key involvement when she was interviewed in one of the nine part series of the BBC's, The Men Who Killed Kennedy, that were aired in the 1990s.  Today, The Men Who Killed Kennedy, can be purchased with six parts from the original nine, the three parts missing contained information the United States government said posed a national security threat.  Luckily, those parts were kept under VHS recording when originally aired and are availible on the internet if searched for, primarily in the torrent community, where all nine parts can be found.  Ebay is also a location where the set can be purchased, however, most availible versions of the series have only six of the nine parts.

Here is Hunt's confession in video format.  In his deathbed confession, Hunt names David Atlee Phillips, Frank Sturgis and Lyndon B. Johnson.

How does James E. Files confession impact Kennedy assassination researchers today who have fingered Frank Sturgis and Howard Hunt, a look at the famed pictures of the grassy knoll is a good start, since James Files claims he was there.  The grassy knoll was located just off to the side of the street of where the president's motorcade was passing at the exact time the president's head received the last, deadly bullet wound.  A number of shots had already been fired striking Texas Governor Connelly in the chest and in the wrist, the windshield of the Lincoln limousine, the President's neck and back, and a stray bullet missing entirely and striking near some spectators at the underpass .  The president's final blow was struck from a location some say caused his body to jerk violently back and to the left, a response from a shot coming from the grassy knoll direction and not from the 6th floor of the School Book Depository where Oswald was accused to have been behind the motorcade some distance.  Video of this can be viewed further down in this article.

Mary Ann Moorman

Mary Ann Moorman was on the opposite side of the street from Abraham Zapruder who filmed the sequence of Kennedy's final gunshot to the head.  She took a photo just a split second before Kennedy's head explodes with massive trauma.  The photo was analyzed for years and said to show figures standing on the grassy knoll, one of which is wearing a police uniform and appears to be holding up a rifle.  Until the 1990s, the photo was black an white and was debated over shadows.  With new technology, photo analysis experts have gone back and taken thousands of shades of gray and converted them into colors, a process known as colorization, which has a 99% accuracy result.

Left: The Moorman Photo Top Right: Close Up of Area in Question Bottom Right: Colorized Area

Here is video of the discovery of the three figures on the grassy knoll and a detailed interview with one of the men in the picture.  Gordon Arnold, a US Military Serviceman, was pictured to the far left in the close-up of the "shooter" on the grassy knoll.  Here he recounts what he saw and heard, a sharpshooter just a couple of yards from him on the grassy knoll.  In the second clip, Gordon is shown the colorized photo and is asked if that is him and to explain what he remembers.  Ed Hoffman, one of the witnesses of the assassination who has also not died of a convenient death, was interviewed in the second clip as well where he too tells the story of the grassy knoll shooter.  His detail is astounding for he recalls seeing the man disassemble the rifle and place it into a case to disguise it.

Just seconds after the shooting broke out and the motorcade drove off to Parkland Hospital, hundreds of individuals in the area of the shooting immediately began to run toward the grassy knoll where later the Warren Commission would entirely ignore and withhold the accounts of 87 witnesses who saw or heard shots from the grassy knoll and ran to the area just moments after the assassination.  Here is dramatic video of this detail.

"Railroad Bums"

Newsweek magazine reported and printed photographs of three men resembling the young suspects, from left to right, James Files, Frank Sturgis and Howard Hunt, who were detained at the grassy knoll shortly after the assassination.  The Newsweek article stated the official reports that the men were released and were only "railroad bums" who would find shelter sleeping in the boxcars of the trains located near the grassy knoll.  According to Newsweek, the men were released without further inquiry.

According to the 1975 Rockefeller Commission report, Hunt testified that he had never met Sturgis before they were introduced by Bernard Barker in Miami in 1972. Sturgis testified to the same effect, except that he did not recall whether the introduction had taken place in late 1971 or early 1972. Sturgis further testified that while he had often heard of "Eduardo," a CIA political officer who had been active in the work of the Cuban Revolutionary Council in Miami prior to the Bay of Pigs operation in April 1961, he had never met him and did not know until 1971 or 1972 that "Eduardo" was E. Howard Hunt.

In a deathbed statement released in 2007, Howard Hunt names Sturgis as one of the participants in the JFK assassination.

Some Video Evidence

Abraham Zapruder was located just to the side of the grassy knoll with a handheld camera watching the motorcade pass by.  He was one of the some 30 individuals who caught the president's last moments on video or still film.  Here you can see the President's headshot. 

Marie Muchmore caught the president's final seconds from a further distance but was unable to firmly capture the grassy knoll.  Here is her video:

Jack Ruby, the man who shot Lee Harvey Oswald

James Files also says that Johnny Roselli and him met with Jack Ruby prior to the assassination.  Jack Ruby was connected to to all of these men named so far.  Before the 1947 move to Dallas, Ruby had been personally acquainted with two professional killers for the organized crime syndicate in Chicago, David Yaras and Lenny Patrick. The committee established that Ruby, Yaras and Patrick were in fact acquainted during Ruby's years in Chicago, particularly in the 1930's and 1940's. Both Yaras and Patrick admitted, when questioned by the FBI in 1964, that they did know Ruby, but both said that they had not had any contact with him for 10 to 15 years. Yaras and Patrick further maintained they had never been particularly close to Ruby, had never visited him in Dallas and had no knowledge of Ruby being connected to organized crime. Indeed, the Warren Commission used Patrick's statement as a footnote citation in its report to support its conclusion that Ruby did not have significant syndicate associations.

On the other hand, the House of Assassinations Committee established that Yaras and Patrick were, in fact, notorious gunmen, having been identified by law enforcement authorities as executioners for the Chicago mob and closely associated with Sam Giancana, the organized crime leader in Chicago who was murdered in 1975. Yaras and Patrick are believed to have been responsible for numerous syndicate executions. including the murder of James Ragan, a gambling wire service owner. The evidence implicating Yaras and Patrick in syndicate activities is unusually reliable. Yaras, for example, was overheard in a 1962 electronic surveillance discussing various underworld murder contracts he had carried out and one he had only recently been assigned. While the committee found no evidence that Ruby was associated with Yaras or Patrick during the 1950s or 1960s, it concluded that Ruby had probably talked by telephone to Patrick during the summer of 1963.

Included among Ruby's closest friends was Lewis McWillie. McWillie moved from Dallas to Cuba in 1958 and worked in gambling casinos in Havana until 1960. In 1978, McWillie was employed in Las Vegas, and law enforcement files indicate he had business and personal ties to major organized crime figures, including Meyer Lansky and Santos Trafficante.

Ruby traveled to Cuba on at least one occasion to visit McWillie. McWillie testified to the committee that Ruby visited him only once in Cuba, and that it was a social visit. The Warren Commission concluded this was the only trip Ruby took to Cuba,39 despite documentation in the Commission's own files indicating Ruby made a second trip.

Both Ruby and McWillie claimed that Ruby's visit to Cuba was at McWillie's invitation and lasted about a week in the late summer or early fall of 1959. The committee, however, obtained tourist cards from the Cuban Government that show Ruby entered Cuba on August 8, 1959, left on September 11, reentered on September 12 and left again on September 13, 1959. These documents supplement records the committee obtained from the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) indicating that Ruby left Cuba on September 11, 1959, traveling to Miami, returned to Cuba on September 12, and traveled on to New Orleans on September 13, 1959. The Cuban Government could not state with certainty that the commercial airline flights indicated by the INS records were the only ones Ruby took during the period.

Other records obtained by the committee indicate that Ruby was in Dallas at times during the August 8 to September 11, 1959, period. He apparently visited his safe deposit box on August 21, met with FBI Agent Charles W. Flynn on August 31,(2) and returned to the safe deposit box on September 4. Consequently, if the tourist card documentation, INS, FBI, and bank records are all correct, Ruby had to have made at least three trips to Cuba. While the records appeared to be accurate, they were incomplete. The committee was unable to determine, for example, whether on the third trip, if it occurred, Ruby traveled by commercial airline or some other means. Consequently, the committee could not rule out the possibility that Ruby made more trips during this period or at other times.

Based on the unusual nature of the 1-day trip to Miami from Havana on September 11-12 and the possibility of at least one additional trip to Cuba, the committee concluded that vacationing was probably not the purpose for traveling to Havana, despite Ruby's insistence to the Warren Commission that his one trip to Cuba in 1959 was a social visit. The committee reached the judgment that Ruby most likely was serving as a courier for gambling interests when he traveled to Miami from Havana for 1 day, then returned to Cuba for a day, before flying to New Orleans.

The committee also deemed it likely that Ruby at least met various organized crime figures in Cuba, possibly including some who had been detained by the Cuban government. In fact, Ruby told the Warren Commission that he was later visited in Dallas by McWillie and a Havana casino owner and that they had discussed the gambling business in Cuba.

It has been charged that Ruby met with Santos Trafficante in Cuba sometime in 1959. Trafficante, regarded as one of the Nation's most powerful organized crime figures, was to become a key participant in Castro assassination attempts by the Mafia and the CIA from 1960 to 1963. The committee developed circumstantial evidence that makes a meeting between Ruby and Trafficante a distinct possibility. . . .

While allegations of a Ruby link to Trafficante had previously been raised, mainly due to McWillie's alleged close connections to the Mafia leader, it was not until recent years that they received serious attention. Trafficante had long been recognized by law enforcement officials as a leading member of the La Cosa Nostra, but he did not become the object of significant public attention in connection with the assassination of the President until his participation in the assassination plots against Castro was disclosed in 1975.

New Orleans

Left: David Ferrie Center: Guy Banister Right:Clay Shaw

In 1962 David Ferrie began working as an investigator with Guy Banister for lawyer G. Wray Gill on behalf of his client, Mafioso Carlos Marcello. This involved attempts to block Marcello's deportation to Guatemala.

On the afternoon of November 22, 1963, the day of John F. Kennedy's assassination and the day Marcello was acquitted of immigration fraud, Guy Banister and Jack Martin went drinking together. On their return to Banister's office the two men got involved in a dispute about a missing file. Banister became so angry that he drew his Magnum revolver and hit Martin with it several times. Martin was so badly injured that he had to be detained in the local Charity Hospital.

Over the next few days Martin told reporters and authorities that Ferrie had been involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. According to Martin, Ferrie had known Lee Harvey Oswald from their days in the New Orleans Civil Air Patrol, had given him lessons on how to use a rifle with a telescopic sight, had flown Oswald to Texas and had threatened JFK and outlined plans to kill him.

On November 25, Martin was contacted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. He told them that he thought Ferrie had hypnotized Oswald into assassinating Kennedy. The FBI considered Martin's evidence unreliable. Nevertheless, they interviewed Ferrie twice and interviewed about 20 other people in connection with the allegations. They were unable to develop a substantial case against Ferrie.

Jack Martin also claimed that Ferrie had been informed that his library card had been found in Oswald's possession when he was arrested. Martin had reported to the FBI and others just after the assassination that Ferrie was concerned about the card, and the Committee heard statements from both Oswald’s landlady and a former neighbor that Ferrie had visited them separately asking about the library card. However, no such library card was found among Oswald's possessions. Ferrie was able to produce his library card for FBI agents who interviewed him on November 27, 1963.

This information reached Jim Garrison, the district attorney of New Orleans who, by 1966, was very interested in the New Orleans aspects of the assassination. In December 1966 he interviewed Martin about these accusations. Martin claimed that during the summer of 1963 Ferrie and Guy Banister were involved in something very sinister with a group of Cuban exiles.

Before New Orleans, Guy Banister spent many years as a special agent in charge of the Chicago office of the FBI where Jack Ruby and all the other named mafia connections started.  Lee Harvey Oswald, a private in the Marines during this time, had taken a Russian examination in the 1950s.  Privates did not take Russian examinations unless they were connected with intelligence.

When Oswald returned from Russia during the cold war, he took up a pro-communist agenda in the public eye while working at 544 Camp, which was the address stamped on a handout that Oswald gave out and was on local New Orleans news for, where Banister told him, "Lee, no more addresses."  It turned out that was a side address of Guy Banister's private detective agency.  Banister got Lee out of trouble but for District Attorney Jim Garrison, this was a vital connection.

Lee Harvey Oswald

Oswald was photographed for the local newspapers distributing pro-Castro literature in front of Clay Shaw's International Trade Mart at 124 Camp Street, a stone's throw away from Guy Banister's 544 Camp Street office,  August 16, 1963.   On  August 9th, 1963, Lee Harvey Oswald distributed leaflets again that supported Fidel Castro and his communist government in Cuba. On these leaflets was, again, the address 544 Camp Street, New Orleans.  From October 1961 to February 1962, this had been the address of the Cuban Revolutionary Council, an anti-Castro group. Around the corner from 544 Camp Street, located in the same structure but with a different entrance, was 531 Lafayette Street, which housed the detective agency run by Guy Banister.  Across the street was the Office of Naval Intelligence, two doors down was the Secret Service, around the corner was the Crescent City Garage, the garage for the intelligence community and then, two doors away, the Reily Coffee Company, which was one of the CIA front companies in the Bay of Pigs fiasco.  Jim Garrison said, "the whole intelligence community was there, and right in the middle of it was Guy Banister having Oswald sheep-dipped as a Communist...."

"On at least two separate occasions, Banister employees saw Oswald handing out pro-Castro literature and reported it to their boss.  In one instance Banister simply laughed, and on the other, he told his secretary Delphine Roberts:  'Don't worry about him....  He's with us.  He's associated with the office.'  Roberts also said she saw Oswald at 544 Camp Street, and that he filled out one of Banister's 'agent' application forms.  She later told author Anthony Summers:  'Oswald came back a number of times.  He seemed to be on familiar terms with Banister and with the office.'" --Jim Marrs, Crossfire: The Plot that Killed Kennedy.

"They are the most ruthless motherf---ers there are and if they want to get somebody, they will.  They will do their own people up." --David Sanchez Morales, former Chief of Operations at the CIA station in Miami (JM/WAVE) and a consultant to the Deputy Director of the Joint Chiefs, talking about the CIA, Gaeton Fonzi, The Last Investigation.

"...We do know Oswald had intelligence connections.  Everywhere you look with him, there're fingerprints of intelligence." --Republican Senator Richard Schweiker, member of the U.S. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Village Voice, December 15, 1975.

"...if he had it to do over again, he would begin his investigation of the Kennedy assassination by probing 'Oswald's ties to the Central Intelligence Agency.'" --Richard Sprague, first staff director and chief counsel to the U.S. House Select Committee on Assassinations, statement to Sam Anson of New Times magazine, Gaeton Fonzi, The Last Investigation.

"[Former CIA Director Richard] Helms told reporters during a break that no one would ever know who or what Lee Harvey Oswald ... represented.  Asked whether the CIA knew of any ties Oswald had with either the KGB or the CIA, Helms paused and with a laugh said, 'I don't remember.'" --Helms, chatting with the Washington Post's George Lardner and other reporters in 1978, during a recess of the U.S. House Select Committee on Assassinations, Gaeton Fonzi, The Last Investigation.

"I no longer believe that we were able to conduct an appropriate investigation of the [Central Intelligence] Agency and its relationship to Oswald....  I do not believe any denial offered by the Agency on any point. The law has long followed the rule that if a person lies to you on one point, you may reject all of his testimony....  We now know that the Agency withheld from the Warren Commission the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro.  Had the commission known of the plots, it would have followed a different path in its investigation....  We also now know that the Agency set up a process that could only have been designed to frustrate the ability of the committee in 1976-79 to obtain any information that might adversely affect the Agency.  Many have told me that the culture of the Agency is one of prevarication and dissimulation and that you cannot trust it or its people.  Period.  End of story.  I am now in that camp." --Robert Blakey, staff director and chief counsel (1977-79), U.S. House Select Committee on Assassinations, statement from 2003.

Left: David Ferrie Right: Lee Harvey Oswald

Clay Shaw was part of the CIA Operation Mongoose where active training for anti-castro Cubans was undertaken in Louisiana in cooberation with Aplpha-66, the CIA backed Cuban program.  Oswald and Ferrie were members of this program.  Pretty confusing considering Oswald was "communist."  So why hand out leaflets in front of the offices and create pro-castro awareness, perhaps to lure information and assets, as well as create disinformation.  Theories begin to grow wild at this point, but the fact remains that Oswald was documented with both anti-castro and pro-communist movements.

Minister Raymond Broshears reported that David Ferrie, who had documented ties to Oswald, the CIA, and the Mafia - would, after getting drunk, often talk about his role in the conspiracy. Ferrie said his job was to wait in Houston for two gunmen, one of them a Cuban exile Ferrie referred to as Carlos, and then fly them on the second leg of an escape route that was to take the assassins to South African via South America. Ferrie told Broshears the plan fell apart when the assassins, flying in a light plane, decided to skip the stop in Houston and press on to Mexico. They allegedly died when their plane crashed near Corpus Christi, Texas. 

On February 22, 1967 Ferrie was found dead in his apartment. The New Orleans coroner officially reported that the cause of death was a Berry Aneurysm.

James Files had mentioned his handler was Daivd Atlee Phillips, a Central Intelligence Agency officer for 25 years, one of a handful of people to receive the Career Intelligence Medal. In 1975 he founded the Association of Former Intelligence Officers (AFIO), an alumni association comprising intelligence officers from all services.  Phillips joined the CIA as a part-time agent in 1950 in Chile, where he owned and edited "The South Pacific Mail", an English-language newspaper that circulated throughout South America and several islands in the Pacific. He became a full-time operative in 1954 and rose through the ranks to intelligence officer, chief of station and eventually chief of all operations in the Western hemisphere, serving primarily in Latin America, including Cuba, Mexico, and the Dominican Republic.

Phillips used the alias "Maurice Bishop" (not to be confused with the former prime minister of Grenada, Maurice Bishop). He used the pseudonym whilst working with Alpha 66, an organization of anti-Castro Cubans. Alpha 66's founder, Antonio Veciana, claimed that during one of his meetings with "Bishop", Lee Harvey Oswald was also in attendance. HSCA investigator Gaeton Fonzi believed Phillips was Bishop. In the HSCA's report, it stated:

"The committee suspected that Veciana was lying when he denied that the retired CIA officer was Bishop. The committee recognized that Veciana had an interest in renewing his anti-Castro operations that might have led him to protect the officer from exposure as Bishop so they could work together again. For his part, the retired officer aroused the committee's suspicion when he told the committee he did not recognize Veciana as the founder of Alpha 66, especially since the officer had once been deeply involved in Agency anti-Castro operations. Further, a former CIA case officer who was assigned from September 1960 to November 1962 to the JM/WAVE station in Miami told the committee that the retired officer had in fact used the alias, Maurice Bishop. The committee also interviewed a former assistant of the retired officer but he could not recall his former superior ever having used the name or having been referred to as Bishop." (HSCA Report, page 136, footnote 23)

The report went on to dismiss Veciana's testimony:

"In the absence of corroboration or independent substantiation, the committee could not, therefore, credit Veciana's story" (page 137)

Phillips wrote and lectured frequently on intelligence matters. He authored five books, including his CIA memoir "The Night Watch", "Careers in Secret Operations" and spy novel called "The Carlos Contract".

Watergate figure and CIA officer Howard Hunt also names Phillips as one of the participants in the JFK assassination in his deathbed statement released.

The 1979 House Subcommittee on Assassinations stated in its Report that it heard evidence that Oswald, while living in New Orleans in the summer of 1963, had "apparently" established contact with David Ferrie as well as with other non-Cubans of anti-Castro sentiments. The Committee also found "credible and significant" the testimony of six witnesses who placed Oswald in Clinton, Louisiana in September, 1963. The later release of witness statements taken by District Attorney James Garrison's investigators in 1967, unavailable to the HSCA, showed substantial contradictions to the witnesses' testimony in 1969 and 1978.

In 1978, William Gaudet, a twenty-year CIA informant who had worked out of the International Trade Mart in New Orleans, told an investigator that Ferrie "was with" Oswald, although he did not state where or when, or whether he knew this directly or by hearsay.

Former President George H.W. Bush

Miami, FL and George H.W. Bush

A severely beaten prostitute named Rose Cheramie was found along a Louisiana road on Nov 20, 1963 just days before the assassination. She tells the doctors treating her that Kennedy is about to be assassinated. They do not believe her, for she is under the influence of narcotics.  She was traveling from Florida with men from Miami she said were with the CIA, and that they had guns and ammo from Cuban exile training programs.  The names she mentioned led to an FBI investigation in Miami of Cuban exiles and a Miami Magazine article investigating right wing political men, Meyer Lansky, and CIA officials.

Miami Magazine's inquiry into the assassination began with the Miami Police tape-recording of men discussing the assassination details weeks before.  Scattered references have been made to the recording since it was uncovered in 1967, most notably by assassination researcher Harold Weisberg who published the transcript in his 1970 book "Frame-Up."  Investigation of this incident led to discovery of the Parrot Jungle threat.

Circuit Judge Seymour Gelber, then an assistant to State Attorney Richard Gerstein, provided nearly all the initial information about the tape-recording.  Not only did he save records and memoranda from the investigation, he kept a diary.  The diary was invaluable in our research.  Gerstein too has been totally cooperative.

Their investigation, which culminated in the tape-recording of Nov. 9, 1963, began in February 1962 after a series of local bombings, including an attack upon the home of Miami Herald editor Don Shoemaker.  A few days after that bombing, Willie Somersett, a union organizer with extensive right-wing political ties (he was a Klansman), showed up at the Herald building to offer his services as an informer.  Quickly, he began working for the Miami police and the Federal Bureau of Investigation.  The police were never advised of his ties to the FBI.  (Actually, he had worked for the FBI, off and on, for about a decade, it is now known).  Over the next several months, Somersett imparted enough information to state investigators to enable them to arrest and convict several of the bombers.

For more about this recording, click here.

The anti-Castro Cuban training programs conducted by the Central Intelligence Agency were organized in Miami, of many places mentioned.  Operation Zapata was the name of the program  in Miami and declassified to the public under its more familiar name, "Bay of Pigs."  It would transfer arms and Cubans to and from Cuba from an off-shore oil rig and production facility near the Cuban coastline.  That facility was owned by Zapata Oil.  Zapata Corporation is a holding company based in Rochester, New York and originating from an oil company started by a group including the former United States president George H. W. Bush.  Through his work with Zapata Off-Shore, Bush is alleged to have come into contact with Felix Rodriguez, Barry Seal, Porter Goss, and E. Howard Hunt, around the time of the Bay of Pigs operation.

Porter Goss is currently the head of the CIA and Barry Seal is famous for being the largest cocaine smuggler in the history of the United States during Iran-Contra.  As fate would have it, Barry Seal had George H.W. Bush's private number on him when he was gunned down in Louisiana by the Medellin Cartel, headed by famed Pablo Escobar.  Barry Seal received his flight training from David Ferrie at the Civil Air Patrol in Louisiana.  Again, as fate would have it, Barry Seal would later train Rudy Dekkers.  Rudy Dekkers owned Hoffman Aviation where Mohhamed Atta was trained for the 9/11 attacks.

Michael Maholy alleges that Zapata Off-Shore was used as part of a CIA drug-smuggling ring to pay for arming Nicaraguan Contras in 1986-1988, including Rodriguez, Eugene Hasenfus and others. Mahony claims Zapata's oil rigs were used as staging bases for drug shipments, allegedly named "Operation Whale Watch." Mahony allegedly worked for Naval Intelligence, US State Department and CIA for two decades.

On January 8, 2007, newly released internal CIA documents revealed that Zapata had in fact emerged from Bush’s collaboration with a covert CIA officer in the 1950s. According to a CIA internal memo dated November 29, 1975, Zapata Petroleum began in 1953 through Bush’s joint efforts with Thomas J. Devine, a CIA staffer who had resigned his agency position that same year to go into private business, but who continued to work for the CIA under commercial cover. Devine would later accompany Bush to Vietnam in late 1967 as a "cleared and witting commercial asset" of the agency, acted as his informal foreign affairs advisor, and had a close relationship with him through 1975.

A newly discovered FBI document reveals that George H.W. Bush was directly involved in the assassination conspirators of President John Kennedy. The document places Bush working with the now-famous CIA agent, Felix Rodriguez, recruiting right-wing Cuban exiles for the invasion of Cuba. It was Bush's CIA job to organize the Cuban community in Miami for the invasion. The Cubans were trained as marksmen by the CIA. Bush at that time lived in Texas. Hopping from Houston to Miami weekly, Bush spent 1960 and '61 recruiting Cubans in Miami for the invasion. That is how he met Felix Rodriguez.

Rodriguez as the Iran-contra CIA agent who received the first phone call telling the world the CIA plane flown by Gene Hasenfus had crashed in Nicaragua. As soon as Rodriguez heard that the plane crashed, he called his long-time CIA supervisor, George Bush. Bush denied being in the contra loop, but investigators recently obtained copies of Oliver North's diary, which documents Bush's role as a CIA supervisor of the contra supply network.

In 1988 Bush told Congress he knew nothing about the illegal supply flights until 1987, yet North's diary shows Bush at the first planning meeting Aug. 6, 1985. Bush's "official" log placed him somewhere else. Such double sets of logs are intended to hide Bush's real role in the CIA; to provide him with "plausible deniability." The problem is, it fell apart because too many people, like North and Rodriguez, have kept records that show Bush's CIA role back to the 1961 invasion of Cuba. (Source: The Washington Post, 7/10/90).

That is exactly how evidence was uncovered placing George Bush working with Felix Rodriguez when JFK was killed. A memo from FBI head J. Edgar Hoover was found, stating that, "Mr. George Bush of the CIA had been briefed on November 23rd, 1963 about the reaction of anti-Castro Cuban exiles in Miami to the assassination of President Kennedy. (Source: The Nation, 8/13/88).

On the day of the assassination Bush was in Texas, but he denies knowing exactly where he was. Since he had been the supervisor for the secret Cuban teams, headed by former Cuban police commander Felix Rodriguez, since 1960, it is likely Bush was also in Dallas in 1963. Several of the Cubans he was supervising as dirty-tricks teams for Nixon, were photographed in the Zagruder film.

In 1959 Rodriguez was a top cop in the Cuban government under Batista. When Batista was overthrown and fled to Miami, Rodriguez went with him, along with Frank Sturgis and Rafael Quintero. Officially, Rodriguez didn't join the CIA until 1967, after the CIA invasion of Cuba, in which he participated, and the assassination of JFK. But records recently uncovered show he actually joined the CIA in 1961 for the invasion of Cuba when he was recruited by George Bush. That is how Rodriguez claims he became a "close personal friend of Bush."

Then "officially" Rodriguez claims he quit the CIA in 1976, just after he was sent to prison for his role in the Watergate burglary. However, according to Rolling Stone reporters Kohn & Monks (11/3/88), Rodriguez still goes to CIA headquarters monthly to receive assignments and have his blue 1987 bulletproof Cadillac serviced. Rodriguez was asked by a Rolling Stone reporter where he was the day JFK was shot, and claims he can't remember.

George Bush claims he never worked for the CIA until he was appointed director by former Warren Commission director and then President Jerry Ford, in 1976. Logic suggests that is highly unlikely. Of course, Bush has a company duty to deny being in the CIA. The CIA is a secret organization. No one ever admits to being a member. The truth is that Bush has been a top CIA official since before the 1961 invasion of Cuba, working with Felix Rodriguez. Bush may deny his actual role in the CIA in 1959, but there are records in the files of Rodriguez and others involved in the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba that expose Bush's role. The corporations would not put somebody in charge of all the state secrets held by the CIA unless he was experienced and well trained in the CIA. (Source: Project Censored Report, Feb 1989, Dr Carl Jensen, Sonoma State College).

Two Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) memoranda have been offered to show connections between the CIA and George H. W. Bush during his time at Zapata. The first memo names Zapata Off-Shore and was written by FBI Special Agent Graham Kitchel on 22 November 1963, regarding the John F. Kennedy assassination at 12:30 p.m. CST that day. It begins: "At 1:45 p.m. Mr. GEORGE H. W. BUSH, President of the Zapata Off-Shore Drilling Company, Houston, Texas, residence 5525 Briar, Houston, telephonically furnished the following information to writer. .. BUSH stated that he wanted to be kept confidential. .. was proceeding to Dallas, Texas, would remain in the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel."

A second FBI memorandum, written by J. Edgar Hoover, identifies "George Bush" with the CIA. It is dated 29 November 1963 and refers to a briefing given Bush on 23 November. The FBI Director describes a briefing about JFK's murder "orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency. .. [by] this Bureau" on "November 23, 1963.

When this second memorandum surfaced during the 1988 presidential campaign, Bush spokespersons (including Stephen Hart) said Hoover's memo referred to another George Bush who worked for the CIA. CIA spokeswoman Sharron Basso suggested it was referring to a George William Bush. However, others described this G. William Bush as a "lowly researcher" and "coast and beach analyst" who worked only with documents and photos at the CIA in Virginia from September 1963 to February 1964, with a low rank of GS-5.  However, this G. William Bush swore an affadavit in federal court denying that Hoover's memo referred to him:

"I have carefully reviewed the FBI memorandum to the Director, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Department of State dated November 29, 1963 which mentions a Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency. ... I do not recognize the contents of the memorandum as information furnished to me orally or otherwise during the time I was at the CIA. In fact, during my time at the CIA, I did not receive any oral communications from any government agency of any nature whatsoever. I did not receive any information relating to the Kennedy assassination during my time at the CIA from the FBI. Based on the above, it is my conclusion that I am not the Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency referred to in the memorandum." (United States District Court for the District of Columbia, Civil Action 88-2600 GHR, Archives and Research Center v. Central Intelligence Agency, Affidavit of George William Bush, September 21, 1988.)

US Army Brigadier General Russell Bowen wrote that there was a cover-up of Zapata's CIA connections:

Bush, in fact, did work directly with the anti-Castro Cuban groups in Miami before and after the Bay of Pigs invasion, using his company, Zapata Oil, as a corporate cover for his activities onbehalf of the agency. Records at the University of Miami, where the operations were based for several years, show George Bush was present during this time.

Another writer quotes four former U.S. intelligence officials saying Bush was involved with the CIA prior to the Bay of Pigs:

Robert T. Crowley and William Corson of the CIA:

Bush was officially considered a CIA business asset, according to Crowley and Corson. "George's insecurities were clay to someone like Dulles," William Corson said. To recruit young George Bush, Robert Crowley explained, Dulles convinced him that "he could contribute to his country as well as get help from the CIA for his overseas business activities." [Bush] was, according to Corson, "perfect at talent spotting and looking at potential recruits for the CIA. You have to remember, we had real fears of Soviet activity in Mexico in the 1950s. Bush was one of many businessmen that would be reimbursed for hiring someone the CIA was interested in, or simply carrying a message." 

John Sherwood of the CIA:

Bush was at first a tiny part of OPERATION MONGOOSE, the CIA's code name for their anti-Castro operations. According to the late John Sherwood, "Bush was like hundreds of other businessmen who provided the nuts-and-bolts assistance such operations require... What they mainly helped us with was to give us a place to park people that was discreet." 

An anonymous official connected to "Operation Mongoose":

George Bush would be given a list of names of Cuban oil workers we would want placed in jobs... The oil platforms he dealt in were perfect for training the Cubans in raids on their homeland. 

John Loftus, in his book Secret War quotes former U.S. intelligence officials reporting the same story:

The Zapata-Permargo deal caught the eye of Allan Dulles, who the "old spies" report was the man who recruited Bush's oil company as a part time purchasing front for the CIA. Zapata provided commercial supplies for one of Dulles' most notorious operations: the Bay of Pigs Invasion. --Chapter 16 page 368

Finally, according to Cuban intelligence official Fabian Escalante in The Cuba Project: CIA Covert Operations 1959-62, Jack Crichton and George H.W. Bush raised funds for the CIA's Operation 40.

"Tracy Barnes functioned as head of the Cuban Task Force. He called a meeting on January 18,1960, in his office in Quarters Eyes, near the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, which the navy had lent while new buildings were being constructed in Langley. Those who gathered there included the eccentric Howard Hunt, future head of the Watergate team and a writer of crime novels; the egocentric Frank Bender, a friend of Trujillo; Jack Esterline, who had come straight from Venezuela where he directed a CIA group; psychological warfare expert David A. Phillips, and others. The team responsible for the plans to overthrow the government of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954 was reconstituted, and in the minds of all its members this would be a rerun of the same plan. Barnes talked at length of the goals to be achieved. He explained that Vice-President Richard Nixon was the Cuban "case officer," and had assembled an important group of businessmen headed by George Bush [Snr.] and Jack Crichton, both Texas oilmen, to gather the necessary funds for [Operation 40]. Nixon was a protege of Bush's father [Prescott], who in 1946 had supported Nixon's bid for congress. In fact, [Presott] Bush was the campaign strategist who brought Eisenhower and Nixon to the presidency of the United States. With such patrons, Barnes was certain that failure was impossible." --Page 43-44

Fabian Escalante was in the Department of State Security (G-2) in Cuba in 1960. At the time of the Bay of Pigs, Escalante was head of a counter-intelligence unit and was part of a team investigating a CIA operation called Sentinels of Liberty, an attempt to recruit Cubans willing to work against Castro. His information about Bush apparently comes from a counterintelligence operation against Tracy Barnes of the CIA.

Bay of Pigs

CIA liaison officer Col. L. (Leroy) Fletcher Prouty alleges that Zapata Off-Shore provided or was used as cover for two of the ships used in the Bay of Pigs invasion: the Barbara J and Houston. Prouty claims he delivered two ships to an inactive Naval Base near Elizabeth City, North Carolina, for a CIA contact and he suspected very strongly that George Bush must have been involved:

They asked me to see if we could find -- purchase -- a couple of transport ships. We got some people that were in that business, and they went along the coast and they found two old ships that we purchased and sent down to Elizabeth City and began to load with an awful lot of trucks that the Army was sending down there. We deck-loaded the trucks, and got all of their supplies on board. Everything that they needed was on two ships. It was rather interesting to note, looking back these days, that one of the ships was called the Houston, and the other ship was called the Barbara J. Colonel Hawkins had renamed the program as we selected a name for the Bay of Pigs operation. The code name was "Zapata." I was thinking a few months ago of what a coincidence that is. When Mr. Bush graduated from Yale, back there in the days when I was a professor at Yale, he formed an oil company, called "Zapata," with a man, Lieddke, who later on became president of Pennzoil. But the company that Lieddke and Mr. Bush formed was the Zapata Oil Company. Mr. Bush's wife's name is Barbara J. And Mr. Bush claims as his hometown Houston, Texas. Now the triple coincidence there is strange; but I think it's interesting. I know nothing about its meaning. But these invasion ships were the Barbara J and the Houston, and the program was "Zapata." George Bush must have been somewhere around.

John Loftus writes: "Prouty's credibility, however has been widely attacked because of his consultancy to Oliver Stone's film JFK." but notes on page 598 that: "While his credibility has suffered greatly because of his consultancy to Oliver Stone's film JFK, his recollections about the CIA supply mission have been confirmed by other sources."

Nevertheless, researcher James K. Olmstead claims to have discovered a CIA memorandum which states that the boats were leased, not purchased, by the Garcia Line Corporation with offices in Havana and New York City. The owners were Alfredo Garcia and his five sons. The CIA was using the Rio Escondido for "exfiltrating anti-Castro leaders......prior to 1961 BOP planning." It had brought out Nino Diaz, and Manolo Ray. Its captain Gus Tirado was well known to the CIA. Eduardo Garcia met with two CIA agents in NYC and D.C. to arrange the use of the Garcia ships for the invasion. The alleged price was $600.00 per day per ship plus fuel, food and personnel.

Eduardo selected and hired 30 men who were "executioners for Batista" Miro Cardona of the Frente and the CIA did not like the choice of men hired to protect the Garcia ships. "Nobody questioned that Eduardo was coming along with the expedition. "I'm going to be in charge of my ships", he said.

Memorandum From the Chief of WH/4/PM, Central Intelligence Agency (Hawkins) to the Chief of WH/4 of the Directorate for Plans (Esterline) The Barbara J (LCI), now enroute to the United States from Puerto Rico, requires repairs which may take up to two weeks for completion. The sister ship, the Blagar, is outfitting in Miami, and its crew is being assembled. It is expected that both vessels will be fully operational by mid-January at the latest. In view of the difficulty and delay encountered in purchasing, outfitting and readying for sea the two LCI's, the decision has been reached to purchase no more major vessels, but to charter them instead. The motor ship, Rio Escondido (converted LCT) will be chartered this week and one additional steam ship, somewhat larger, will be chartered early in February. Both ships belong to a Panamanian Corporation controlled by the Garcia family of Cuba, who are actively cooperating with this Project. These two ships will provide sufficient lift for troops and supplies in the invasion operation.

The Bay of Pigs operation was directed out of the "Miami Station" (also known as "JM/WAVE"), which was the CIA's largest station worldwide. It housed 200 agents who handled approximately 2,000 Cubans. Robert Reynolds was the CIA's Miami station chief from September 1960 to October 1961. He was replaced by career-CIA officer Theodore Shackley, who oversaw Operation Mongoose, Operation 40 (including Porter Goss, Felix Rodriguez, Barry Seal), and others. When Bush became CIA Director in 1976 he appointed Ted Shackley as Deputy Director of Covert Operations. When Bush became Vice President in 1981, he appointed Donald Gregg as his National Security Advisor.

Kevin Phillips discusses George Bush's "highly likely" peripheral role in the Bay of Pigs events. He points to the leadership role of Bush's fellow Skull and Bones alumni in organizing the operation. He notes an additional personal factor for Bush: the Walker side of the family (who initially funded Zapata Corporation) had apparently lost a small fortune when Fidel Castro nationalized their West Indies Sugar Co. Edwin Pauley was "known for CIA connections," according to Phillips, it was Pauley who put Pemargo's Diaz and Bush together.

Former President Richard Nixon

Meanwhile, in 1960, Prescot Bush, George HW's father,  was running Nixon's campaign. Nixon was sent to South Vietnam to assure the French-connection government there that if France pulled out, the U.S. would step in to protect the drug trade from the GoIden Triangle. (Source: Frontline, 1988, "Guns. Drugs and the CIA"; Alexander Cockburn; "Cocaine, the CIA and Air America," S.F. Examiner, Feb. 2, '91; The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia, Alfred McCoy, 1972.)

In 1959, Vice President Nixon was flying all over the world, acting just like presidential material. It was an easy race for Nixon. Congressman Jerry Ford was doing a great job fundraising for Nixon, as was George Bush. The rich loved Nixon. The media picked up every bone Nixon tossed out to them. The biggest problem was that Nixon was afraid to speak openly of his plan to invade Cuba. The plan was a secret. No sense in alerting Cuba to the coming invasion. But Kennedy was taking a harder line on Cuba than Nixon, because Kennedy was not aware of the corporate/CIA planned invasion.

Nixon lost the 1960 race by the smallest margin in history. At first Bush, Nixon, Cabel and Hunt decided to just go ahead with the invasion, without informing President Kennedy. Then, at the last second, at 4 a.m., just two hours before the invasion was set to go, General Cabel called JFK and asked for permission to provide U.S. air cover for the CIA invasion. Kennedy said no.

The CIA was furious with JFK but decided to go ahead with their private invasion anyway. Due to poor intelligence, the CIA landed at the worst possible beach. A swamp. The invasion failed. The CIA lost 15 of its best men, killed, with another 1100 in Cuban prisons. It was the worst single blow the CIA ever suffered. (Source: F. Howard Hunt, Give Us This Day.)

Bush, Nixon and Hunt blamed Cabel for asking Kennedy and blamed Kennedy for saying no. They were livid with anger. Nixon's corporate sponsors ordered JFK to make any deal necessary to recover the 1100 CIA agents imprisoned in Cuba. JFK did. Once the CIA had its well-trained Cubans back, they decided to continue the invasion of Cuba just as soon as they could get rid of that S.O.B. Kennedy.

The 1964 election was fast approaching. Nixon was running against Kennedy again. Bush, Ford and Nixon knew that they had to get rid of JFK now, or else the Kennedy clan, with Robert and Ted in the wings, could control the White House until 1984. They decided not to wait until '84 to get back in the White House. The Cuban teams of "shooters" began following Kennedy from city to city looking for a window of opportunity to shoot from. They came close in Chicago, but couldn't get the cooperation of Mayor Daley.

But in Dallas they had an ace. The mayor was the brother of General Cabel, whom the CIA blamed for the failure of the invasion. The general prevailed on his brother, Earl, and the motorcade was changed to pass the grassy knoll at 7 m.p.h. Hunt and Sturgis shot JFK from the grassy knoll. They were arrested, photographed and seen by 15 witnesses. But the media turned a blind eye to the photos, and for 25 years the world has been searching for the truth.

On the day JFK was murdered, Nixon, Hunt and some of the Watergate crew were photographed in Dallas, as were a group of Cubans, one holding an umbrella up, like a signal, next to the President's limo just as Kennedy was shot. The Cubans can be seen holding up the signal umbrella in the Zapruder film and dozens of stills taken during the assassination. After the murder they can be seen calmly walking away.

Nixon denied he was in Dallas that day, but new photos and stories prove he was there. Nixon claimed to the FBI he couldn't remember where he was when JFK was killed. (Source: FBI memo, Feb. 23, 1964, published in Coup d'etat in America, Weberman & Canfield). Bush, too, claims he can't remember where he was. Jack Anderson did a TV special in 1988 proving beyond any shadow of doubt that two of the tramps arrested in Dallas behind the grassy knoll were Hunt and Sturgis.

After the murder, former Vice President Nixon asked President Lyndon Johnson to appoint Nixon's friend, former FBI agent Jerry Ford, to run the Warren Commission. Nixon also asked LBJ to appoint Nixon's long-time supporter, Judge Earl Warren, to head the Commission. LBJ agreed. Ford interviewed all the witnesses and decided which ones would be heard and which ones eliminated. It is no coincidence that Nixon selected Ford as his Vice President after Spiro Agnew was ousted. When Nixon himself got busted in the Watergate scandal, Earl Warren offered to set up another special commission if it would help get him out of trouble again. Ford, of course, pardoned Nixon for the Watergate burglary but Nixon is still not out of the woods. There are 4000 hours of Watergate tape. On the June 23, 1972, discussions with John Ehrlichman and Haldeman there is clear evidence that Nixon is openly "confessing" to hiring Hunt to kill JFK. That is why the Watergate "investigation" went into secret session after Congress heard some of the tapes. This is why only 12 hours of 4000 hours have been released to the public.

Did Congress realize that Nixon and Bush had openly discussed killing JFK for stopping the air cover for the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba? Remember, Nixon taped virtually every discussion he had with anyone in his inner circle, including Bush, in order to blackmail people later. There is a photo of Bush reporting to Nixon in the White House in 1968. It will be interesting to see what they were talking about on that day, when the full 4000 hours are finally released. The key to unlocking the secrets behind the 1963 murder of JFK is hidden in the 3988 hours of unreleased White House tapes. Bush was in Dallas the day Reagan was shot. (Source: George Bush, F. Green, 1988.) That must have given Bush a flashback to November 22,1963.

Other researchers have suspected these men shooters or conspirators in the assassination and they are as follows:

Lucien Sarti and Two Corsican Hitmen

According to jailed French mobster, Christian David, Kennedy was shot by three Corsican assassins. David named the deceased Sarti as one of the gunmen and offered to reveal the identities of the others if he was given his freedom. According to David, the two unnamed assassins were in buildings to the rear of the President, while Sarti fired from the grassy knoll in front of the motorcade. The British television documentary, The Men Who Killed Kennedy, identified Sarti as the man in a police uniform apparently firing a rifle and not James Files on the grassy knoll visible in a computer-enhanced enlargement of a photo taken by Mary Moorman at the moment of the fatal shot.

Charles V Harrelson

Harrelson - the father of actor Woody Harrelson - served a life sentence from 1979 until his death in March, 2007, for murdering a federal judge John H Wood Jr. during a six hour stand-off before his arrest, Harrelson held a gun to his head and confessed to shooting Kennedy. He later retracted the statement, saying he had been high on cocaine at the time.

Luis Angel Castillo

According to assassination researcher Penn Jones, Castillo has stated under hypnosis that “he was on the parade route with a rifle that day … [with] instructions to shoot a man in a car with red roses”. Jackie Kennedy was the only person in the motorcade with red roses; all other women had been given yellow Texas roses.

The President's Limousine Driver

This theory was put out by William Cooper, the American writer, shortwave broadcaster, militia supporter and conspiracy theorist. Cooper came to public awareness in the late 1980s.  He died in 2001.  This theory has since been proven to be wrong for a number of reasons, of the many is that the evidence used to argue Cooper's case was incorrect.  The driver at first appears to be holding a gun looking back at Kennedy in the Zapruder film, however, there is A) no kickback to the gun and B) At a second, closer look, the passenger's forehead and hair are aligned in such a way that it appears to be a hand holding a gun, but a few frames previous, the image is clear that this is a trick of light and camera, not a conspiracy of the driver.

Eladio Del Valle and Loran Hall

According to “Harry Dean” (the ‘war name’ of a man who claims to be a former CIA agent), as quoted by W.B. Morris and R.B. Cutler in Alias Oswald, the assassins were anti-Castro activists Hall and del Valle, who were hired by the John Birch Society. Although Hall says he was at his home in California on November 22, 1963, he allegedly told the Dallas Morning News in 1978 that, a month before the assassination, right-wing activists working with the CIA tried to recruit him for a plot to kill Kennedy. As for del Valle, he died under suspicious circumstances in 1967. Del Valle, who was being searched for as a possible witness in the Clay Shaw conspiracy trial, was discovered shot through the heart and with his head split open by a machete.

‘Brother-In-Law’ and ‘Slim’

In 1992 Kerry Thornley appeared on the television show, A Current Affair, and said he had been part of a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy. His co-conspirators were two men he called ‘Brother-in-Law’ and ‘Slim’. Thornley also denied having been responsible for framing Oswald, whom Thornley had befriended in the Marines: ‘I would gladly have killed Kennedy, but I would never have betrayed Oswald.’ He added, ‘I wanted [Kennedy] dead. I would have shot him myself.’ Thornley has also claimed that he and Oswald were the products of a genetic engineering experiment carried out by a secret neo-Nazi sect of eugenicists called the Vril Society, and that the two of them had been manipulated since childhood by Vril overlords.

Jean Rene Soutre

Soutre, a terrorist in the French Secret Army Organisation, is believed by some researchers to have been recruited by the CIA to serve as an assassin. According to CIA documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act by researcher Mary Ferrell, French intelligence reported that Soutre was in Fort Worth on the morning of November 22, 1963, and in Dallas that afternoon. Soutre was picked up by US authorities in Texas within 48 hours of the assassination and expelled from the country.

Roscoe White, ‘Saul’, and ‘Lebanon’

In 1990 Ricky White claimed his father Roscoe, a Dallas police officer, had been one of President Kennedy’s assassins. According to Ricky, a detailed description of the conspiracy could be found in Roscoe’s diary, which had disappeared after it was taken by the FBI for inspection. Two other gunmen, referred to in the diary only by the code names ‘Saul’ and ‘Lebanon’, were also involved. In addition Roscoe’s widow, Geneva, told journalist Ron Laytner that she had overheard Roscoe and Jack Ruby plotting to kill Kennedy, adding, ‘We at first thought the assassination was more Mob [but late realised] it was more CIA.’ Fifteen years before Ricky and Geneva White went public, Hugh McDonald, in Appointment in Dallas, identified one of the Killers as a professional assassin known as Saul. McDonald claimed to have tracked down Saul, who admitted to having been paid $50,000 to shoot the President. Saul claimed to have fired from the Dallas County Records Building - which was also described in Roscoe White’s diary as one of the locations the assassins had shot from. Despite these similarities, there are some inconsistencies in the plots described by McDonald and Ricky White. Most Notably, Roscoe White in his diary and Saul in his meeting with McDonald each allegedly claimed to have fired the fatal shot.

George Hickey Jr

According to Bonar Menninger’s book Mortal Error - based on 25 years of research by ballistics expert Howard Donahue - Kennedy was accidentally killed by Hickey, a secret service agent in the car behind the presidential limo. According to this theory, when Oswald began shooting, Hickey reached for his rifle and slipped off the safety. As he tried to stand in the back seat of the car to return fire, he lost his balance and accidentally pulled the trigger, firing the shot that killed the President. Hickey himself had told the Warren Commission that he did not even pick up his rifle until after the fatal shot.

Oswald's Own Words:


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By Jonathan on Monday, December 31, 2007 @ 1:18 AM
In the deathbed confession from Howard Hunt, he mentions the name of Morales. Morales connects to James Files and the Miami operations. Morales and James Files both served in the 82nd Airborne together, as well as operations in Laos.
David Sanchez Morales was born in 1925. He spent his early life in Phoenix, Arizona. A Mexican-American, Morales was later to be nicknamed El Indio because of his dark skin and Indian features. As a boy his best friend was Ruben Carbajal. After his mother divorced his father he was virtually adopted by Carbajal's parents.

Morales joined the United States Army in 1946 and after basic training was sent to Germany where he was part of the Allied occupation force. According to Ruben Carbajal, Morales was recruited into army intelligence in 1947. However, officially he was a member of 82nd Airborne of the US Army. It was during this time he began associating with Ted Shackley and William Harvey.

In 1951 became a employee of the Central Intelligence Agency while retaining his army cover. The following year he joined the Directorate for Plans, an organization instructed to conduct covert anti-Communist operations around the world.

In 1953 he returned to the United States and after a spell at the University of Maryland he assumed cover as a State Department employee. Morales became involved in CIA's Black Operations. This involved a policy that was later to become known as Executive Action (a plan to remove unfriendly foreign leaders from power). This including a coup d'état that overthrew the Guatemalan government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 after he introduced land reforms and nationalized the United Fruit Company. After the removal of Arbenz he joined the staff of the US embassy in Caracas (1955-58). During this time he became known as the CIA's top assassin in Latin America.

Morales moved to Cuba in 1958 and helped to support the government of Fulgencio Batista. Later Morales worked behind the scenes with people like David Atlee Phillips, Tracy Barnes, William Pawley, Johnny Roselli and John Martino in an attempt to overthrow Fidel Castro.

In November, 1961, William Harvey arranged for Morales to be posted to JM/WAVE, the CIA station in Miami. In May, 1962, Morales was seconded to ZR/RIFLE, the plot to assassinate Fidel Castro.

Some researchers such as Gaeton Fonzi, Larry Hancock, Noel Twyman, James Richards and John Simkin believe that Morales was involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy. It has been suggested that others involved included James Arthur Lewis, Roy Hargraves, Edwin Collins, Steve Wilson, Gerry P. Hemming, Herminio Diaz Garcia, Tony Cuesta, Eugenio Martinez, Virgilio Gonzalez, Felipe Vidal Santiago and William (Rip) Robertson.

In 1966 Ted Shackley was placed in charge of CIA secret war in Laos. He recruited Morales to take charge at Pakse, a black operations base focused on political paramilitary action within Laos. Pakse was used to launch military operations against the Ho Chi Minh Trial. In 1969 Morales moved to Vietnam where he officially worked as a Community Development Officer for the International Development Agency.

Morales moved to Chile in 1970. He was a member of the team that used $10 million in order to undermine left-wing forces in the country. Morales told friends that he had personally eliminated several political figures. He was also involved in helping Augusto Pinochet overthrow Salvador Allende in September, 1973.

After arriving back in the United States Morales moved to Washington where he became Consultant to the Deputy Director for Operations Counter Insurgency and Special Activities. Larry Hancock believes that during this period he provided advice to right-wing governments in the Condor Coalition (Paraguay, Uruguay, Chile, Brazil and Argentina).

According to his friend, Ruben Carbajal, in the spring of 1973, Morales talked about his involvement with the Bay of Pigs operation. He claimed "Kennedy had been responsible for him having to watch all the men he recruited and trained get wiped out". He added: "Well, we took care of that SOB, didn't we?"

David Sanchez Morales retired from the Central Intelligence Agency in 1975. Three years later he was added to the list of people to be interviewed by the House Select Committee on Assassinations. He died of a heart-attack on 8th May, 1978."

By Jonathan on Monday, December 31, 2007 @ 2:29 AM
Under David Morales worked another suspect, Bernando De Torres.

Bernardo De Torres was born in Havana, Cuba, in 1934. He moved to the United States in 1955 and later worked as a private investigator in Miami.

De Torres was a strong opponent of Fidel Castro and during the Bay of Pigs Operation was Chief of Intelligence for Brigade 2506 where he worked under David Sanchez Morales. During the invasion he was captured and was not released until 24th December, 1962.

In 1963 De Torres resumed work as a private investigator. According to Gerry P. Hemming De Torres worked for Charles Siragusa, who was involved in foreign assassinations.

On 25th September, 1963, Silvia Odio had a visit from three men who claimed they were from New Orleans. Two of the men, Leopoldo and Angelo, said they were members of the Junta Revolucionaria. The third man, Leon, was introduced as an American sympathizer who was willing to take part in the assassination of Fidel Castro. After she told them that she was unwilling to get involved in any criminal activity, the three men left.

The following day Leopoldo phoned Odio and told her that Leon was a former Marine and that he was an expert marksman. He added that Leon had said “we Cubans, we did not have the guts because we should have assassinated Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs”. It is believed that De Torres was Leopoldo and Edwin Collins was Angelo.

De Torres later helped Jim Garrison in his search to discover the people behind the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Garrison eventually discovered that Torres was undermining his investigation and became convinced that he was really working for JM/WAVE, the Central Intelligence Agency station in Miami.

After leaving the Garrison investigation De Torres went to work for Mitch WerBell as an arms salesman in Latin America.

In his book Death in Washington (1980) Donald Freed suggested that De Torres might have been involved in the death of Orlando Letelier. Peter Dale Scott argued in Deep Politics (1993) that De Torres had links to the CIA and the drug trade.

While writing The Last Investigation (1993) Gaeton Fonzi interviewed Rolando Otero. He told Fonzi that De Torres (named "Carlos" in the book) was one of a five men team from Miami who was involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

In his book Rearview Mirror (2001), William Turner claims that in 1977 the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) came to the conclusion that De Torres might have played a role in the death of Kennedy. He quotes a HUCA report that: "De Torres has pictures of Dealey Plaza in a safe-deposit box. These pictures were taken during the assassination of JFK".

In an article that appeared in Key West Citizen on 2nd September, 2005, Joan Mellen, claims that Angel Murgado was one of the three men who visited Sylvia Odio in Dallas . She also identified De Torres as "Leopoldo".

Bernardo De Torres now lives in Chile.

By Jonathan on Monday, December 31, 2007 @ 2:29 AM
Here are some more names to trace:

(1) William Turner, Rearview Mirror (2001)

Eladio del Valle's body was found in a Miami parking lot twelve hours after Ferrie's was discovered in New Orleans. The DA investigator who was searching for del Valle, Bernardo De Torres, turned out to be a suspicious character in his own right. A veteran of the Bay of Pigs, De Torres showed up on Garrison's doorstep early in the probe, saying he was a private detective from Miami who wanted to help, and dropping the name of Miami DA Richard Gerstein, a friend of Garrison's, as an opener. In retrospect, Garrison remembered that every lead De Torres developed ended up in a box canyon. He also learned that De Torres was forwarding reports on his investigation to the Miami CIA station. In 1977 the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) came to believe that De Torres might have played a role in Dallas. "De Torres has pictures of Dealey Plaza in a safe-deposit box," a HSCA report states. "These pictures were taken during the assassination of JFK." When hauled before the committee, De Torres denied any implication.

(2) Larry Hancock, Someone Would Have Talked (2003)

Bernardo De Torres is not a name mentioned previously in this work. De Torres is known to have associated with several of Hemming's Interpen members and he was well acquainted with Frank Fiorini/Sturgis. De Torres also had strong operational contacts in Mexico City all the way up to Miguel Nazar Haro in Mexican police intelligence. Haro was later revealed as a key individual in drug trafficking into the U.S. and has been associated with both Sam Giancana and Richard Cain. An FBI report on De Torres from the 1970's refers to his "high level contacts" with the CIA, but this is otherwise unsubstantiated (unexplained is perhaps a better description).

De Torres was not actually investigated in regards to the JFK investigation until the time of the House Select Committee on Assassinations when he came to the attention of Gaeton Fonzi due to the revelations of Rolando Otero. Otero was one of the sources quoted earlier describing an individual representing himself as CIA who was spreading information about President Kennedy within the Cuban community in Miami: "But prior to that they had a rumor in the Cuban community, like Kennedy was a Communist. Another Cuban would come to you who was working for one of those intelligence groups, and he would tell you Kennedy is a Communist, he's against us, he's messing up the whole cause."

Otero believed there was a non-Castro conspiracy behind the assassination and he gave Fonzi some solid leads on possible participants. These are presented in detail in Fonzi's book The Last Investigation, including the orders from Fonzi's supervisor that killed his effort to obtain solid incriminating evidence by running surveillance on suspects. One of those suspects was an individual still actively operating in the anti-Communist, anti-Castro affairs of the 1970s, one Bernardo De Torres aka "Carlos." De Torres was even reputed to have had photographs taken in Dallas on November 22.

De Torres was a Bay of Pigs veteran who had been held prisoner until December of 1962 (released at virtually the same time as John Martino). De Torres went on to become the military coordinator for Brigade 2506 after the assassination.

However, according to Jim Garrison, De Torres became involved in the Garrison New Orleans investigation (as did Roy Hargraves and Gerry Hemming) and apparently diverted Garrison to a certain extent as well as aggressively re-introducing Castro suspicions. He did that with his insistent media promotion of a story pertaining to Secret Service fears of a Castro hit team in Miami during Kennedy's visit there shortly before the Texas trip.

Between February 18 and February 22, the Garrison investigation received considerable unwanted publicity, much of it based upon inquiries within the Miami Cuban community as well as the involvement of Bernardo De Torres. De Torres was quite visible in his comments and declarations, eventually leading the whole matter off in a direction pointing at a threat against John Kennedy from Castro agents.

(3) Tom Dunkin, Intrigue at "No Name" Key, Back Channels (Spring 1992)

Oliver Stone's JFK seems to have achieved a double objective of being a moneymaker and a political activity stimulus, one of the movie's directors avers.

Although he denies any spooky associations, it's going to be interesting to see if future release of classified files on the Kennedy assassination pinpoints new intelligence community involvement, Roy Hargraves, a man with some shadowy past connections, acknowledges.

Hargraves denies any "contract CIA agent" links, although he was involved in military training of Cuban exiles in Florida and Louisiana. British author Anthony Summers hung the contract agent tag on members of the International Penetration Force in his book, Conspiracy.

Summer's book on the JFK assassination cites an FBI raid and the closing of a training site near Lake Ponchatrain several months before Kennedy's death as a possible contributing factor in the assassination.

Hargraves recalls there are many unanswered questions in the Cuban exile aspect of the Kennedy case. Early in New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's probe, "Garrison accused us of training the ‘triangulation team' of three alleged snipers at No Name Key."

No Name Key was the principal Florida training site for the IPF freelance volunteer instructors. "We testified before Garrison and convinced him he was wrong," Hargraves recalls, "and we went to work for him for about a month" early in Garrison's late 1966 and early 1967 investigation.

Garrison's, whose two non-fiction books, A Heritage of Stone, and On the Trail of The Assassins, were the basis of Stone's JFK said in them that Kennedy's "ordering an end to the CIA's continued training of anti-Castro guerrillas at the small, scattered camps in Florida and north of Lake Ponchatrain "added to the disenchantment which contributed to the President's murder.

Another interesting aspect of the Garrison investigation, is that, according to Hargraves, a Cuban exile investigator hired by Garrison" ripped off half the budget" to handicap the probe. Bernardo de Torres, a Bay of Pigs veteran, "was working for the CIA", Hargraves said, during the Garrison investigation.

De Torres, who has since disappeared from his former Miami haunts, also served as a security consultant to local and federal law enforcement units during President Kennedy's visit to Miami after Fidel Castro's release of the prisoners from the Bay of Pigs invasion.

(4) Gerry P. Hemming, Education Forum (24th September, 2005)

I identified Bernie de Torres even after both Gene Propper & Gaeton Fonzi [held to NDAs they signed] used code-words when referring to him. [see "Labyrinth" ("TB") & "Carlos" (The Last Investigation) for reference] One of our guys was dispatched to Dealey Plaza that week by Colonel Arturo Espaillat, who was then based in Montreal. A month later, he recounted said "mission" to me after too many beers, and was furious at having been used once again by Robert Emmett Johnson, the "Raul" of the MLK, Jr. matter.

(5) Joan Mellen, Key West Citizen (2nd September, 2005)

As Mrs. Odio testified before the Warren Commission, she was told the next day by one of her visitors that Oswald had remarked, "President Kennedy should have been assassinated after the Bay of Pigs, and some Cubans should have done that.... it is so easy to do it."

The Warren Commission lacked a context to evaluate this incident because it had not been informed of the C.I.A.'s attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro, now a matter of public record, and a matter to be concealed, unlike today when a Pat Robertson can openly advocate the assassination of a foreign leader. Had the Odio incident been explored fully, some uncomfortable truths might have emerged, truths that could have modified the conclusions of the Warren Report, just as Lieutenant Colonel Shaffer's information, tested, might have altered the findings of the 9/11 Commission, and the biography of Mohammed Atta been more thoroughly researched.

In my own study of the Kennedy assassination for my book, "A Farewell to Justice," I discovered that parallel to these secret efforts by the C.I.A., Robert F. Kennedy was organizing his own clandestine plots to assassinate Fidel Castro. The sources are the released minutes of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, the Church Committee papers, and the Cubans who worked closely with the Attorney General.

Bobby's instruction to his special team was twofold. It was to discover a means of ridding the Kennedy administration of the Communist thorn in its side "ninety miles from home." It was also to protect his brother from the murderous impulses of an anti-Castro Cuban incensed by John F. Kennedy's refusal to support the invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs.

Among those closest to Bobby Kennedy was a man still living in Florida today, Angelo Murgado, who, during the summer of 1963, traveled on Bobby's behalf to New Orleans. Moving among, as he puts it, "Castro's agents, double agents, and Cubans working for the C.I.A., he hoped to "neutralize" a future assassin.

In New Orleans, Mr. Murgado met Lee Harvey Oswald, who resided there in the city of his birth from April to September 1963. Hitherto unreported is that Bobby Kennedy became aware of Oswald - before the assassination.

Bobby even discovered that Oswald was working for the F.B.I., a fact brought to the attention of the Warren Commission as well, and subsequently confirmed for the House Select Committee on Assassinations in the late 1970s by an F.B.I. employee, William Walter, who viewed the Bureau's copious files on Oswald at the New Orleans field office when Oswald was arrested that August for a staged fracas on Canal Street where he was handing out "Fair Play for Cuba" leaflets.

"If the F.B.I. is controlling him," Bobby reasoned, according to Mr. Murgado, "he's no problem." Operating alone, covertly, suspecting a threat to his brother, Bobby underestimated who Oswald was and ceased to make him a major target of his concern. Bobby knew "something was cooking in New Orleans," Angel Murgado says, New Orleans that harlot city now destroyed by flood in a catastrophe of Biblical proportion, New Orleans that sin city where the Kennedy assassination incubated. But Bobby held back. He urged "caution," and apparently he did not share what he knew about Oswald with those who should have been expected to help him protect the President.

Angelo Murgado and a fellow veteran of the Bay of Pigs, in September, were the men who traveled with Oswald from New Orleans to Dallas where they visited Sylvia Odio. (Mrs. Odio testified that the three traveled together although Angelo says that when he and Leopoldo, who drove from New Orleans together, arrived at Sylvia Odio's, Oswald was already there, sitting in the apartment. That "Leopoldo" and Angelo both knew Oswald, there is no doubt). Their objective, or so Angelo thought, was to search for help in their anti-Castro efforts; they talked to Mrs. Odio about buying arms to overthrow Castro. Angelo believed he could trust his companion, referred to in the Warren Report as "Leopoldo," because not only was he a fellow veteran of the Bay of Pigs, but his brother was running for mayor of Miami. He was respectable.

Out of Angelo's hearing, "Leopoldo" phoned Mrs. Odio the next day to tell her how "Leon" Oswald had talked about the need to murder President Kennedy. "Leon" is "kind of nuts," Leopoldo said, a conclusion reflected in the Warren Report.

Placing Oswald in the company of so close an associate of Bobby Kennedy, in an incident that points to foreknowledge of the assassination, created a trap that would silence Bobby forever, rendering him powerless to make public what he knew about the death of his brother. He asked his aide, Frank Mankiewicz, whether "any of our people were involved," and, Mankiewicz told me, he thought, did you think there might be? The conversation stopped there.

Angelo had been betrayed by a companion he believed he could trust, a man not so much dedicated to the overthrow of Fidel Castro, as Angelo believed, as involved in arranging for Oswald to be blamed for the murder of the President, what the Odio visit was really about. The men who visited Mrs. Odio are identified here for the first time in print.

"Leopoldo" was Bernardo de Torres, who testified before the HSCA with immunity granted to him by the C.I.A., so that he was not questioned about the period of time leading up to the Kennedy assassination, as the C.I.A. instructed the Committee on what it could and could not ask this witness. Both the Warren Commission and the HSCA buried the anti-Castro theme, and never explored what Bobby might have known. It might be that the assassination of President Kennedy could have been prevented, just as the apprehension of the people uncovered by the Able Danger team, aided by the F.B.I., had it been granted the opportunity, might have altered the course of the 9/11 tragedy.

That Robert F. Kennedy not only knew about Lee Harvey Oswald, but also viewed him as a danger, is alone shocking. That Bobby put Oswald in New Orleans under surveillance, only to conclude that Oswald posed no threat because he was "just" involved in assassination plots against Fidel Castro, is a chilling precedent for the disasters we may continue to expect from a freewheeling approach to public accountability by government commissions that appear to be willing to keep the citizenry ignorant, and hence vulnerable to attack.

(6) Gerry P. Hemming, Education Forum (11th November, 2005)

De Torres set up a lot of hits, and the problem was that they mostly favored Fidel's people. He approached me to take out Torriente for $25K, but I said that domestic work on noncombatants wasn't my line - and moreover, I questioned exactly what was, and who had, the beef against this guy?

He did NOT call Sylvia ever, and Angelo never hinted at same. Mellen alleges that the call was made behind Murgado's back. Who is the source. Not one of the compartmented guys & gals on the Odio matter have ever talked to anybody, save their "cutouts" to RFK's teams. These folks refused to discuss these matters with anybody else but me (and on a limited basis). They didn't even want to speak with others they knew or suspected to be amongst the compartmented elements. And they dogmatically and absolutely refused to talk to talk to any reporter, writer - even if the party was from the CIA/I.G.s office, and especially not with any CIA elements!!

So where does this "Bernie called back to Sylvia" really come from?

The inside scoop of Sylvia, et al. and especially any relationship with a young priest - can't be clearly answered, not by her or the others. And moreover, she wouldn't be interested in finding out either. Even when people believe that they are participating in something patriotic and noble - when the final results are kept secret, most non-operators feel used - and/or betrayed. They have a hard time grasping that it is safer for all concerned - NOT to know intricate details. However, they sure as hell feel that it is not normal when when the "Mushroom" syndrome arrives.

De Torres taking on a JFK type task, not likely - even if it was a logistics, commo, or coordinator tasking, he likes living too well - and he would avoid an Op which either might go sour, or as happens in the drug trade, you expect to be paid in Silver [Plata] but in the end you are paid in Plomo [lead]!

When an asset doesn't have a clue as to what is really going on, later on and down the road, they lose interest in finding out! Discovering that you have been "used" is a bitter experience.

Mellen wouldn't take NO for an answer, and just couldn't (or wouldn't) comprehend that most of these folks have no interest in rehashing the unknown/uncertain past. This is primarily due to a fear that: they will be linked to something bad, or worse, discover that they had been used like a goat. And they sure as hell don't want those close to them to discover their past (good or bad). It causes rifts, jealousies, and recriminations within the extended family - especially when there exist distinct opposing beliefs.

Angelo is of the same mind set as the rest, and if I hadn't believed that it was time to set history straight, and give some overdue credit - I would have never pounded him to open up just a little bit. Only on two occasions has he ever done so. Now look at what the response has been. A bunch of "Bookies"; who have never been there nor done that. "Talking the Talk, without ever having even been close to The Walk !!"

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